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我的理想(当翻译师) 我的理想翻译官

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【 – 初中作文】

第一篇:《[PK赛]关于我的理想的作文:我的理想——当一名翻译官》

[PK赛]关于我的理想的作文:我的理想——当一名翻译官 我的理想是当一位翻译官,为生活在不同地方的人们做翻译。

我为什么要当一位翻译官呢?原因有两个:一是我在上海世博会采访外国人——因我是小记者,却不能用英语跟外国人交流,害得我只能请导游——小雨阿姨给我来当翻译。最后,虽然采访是顺利结束了,但是我却很难过,因为我英语不好,所以错过了一个独立采访外国人的大好机会。现在我还珍藏着那张采访时跟老外的合影,如我对英语不感兴趣时,一看到这张照片就立马来了兴趣。而第二个原因是我在去上海之前,去了北京游玩。那时,我看见一位小妹妹在跟一个外国人交流,我就凑了上去,可那位小妹妹说的话我一句也没有听懂。还是在导游的翻译下,才明白了她们说的内容。

这两件事情对我触动很大,励志要把英语学好,将来当一位翻译官,翻译各种语言的理想就种在了我的心里。

回到家后,我就跑到爸爸的书柜上,一通乱翻,翻出了几十本英语书。我一次又一次地把英语书当做传家宝似的搬到我的小书柜上,我的举动引起了父母的目光。爸爸说:“呀,我们家的零食迷不见了,多出了个英语混混,这是怎么回事?”“爸爸,你就不要再笑我了,我的英语那么差,去北京、上海都需要导游来帮我翻译,就连比我小的小妹妹都能跟老外对话,你现在还不教我读,等我会了,我就可以去采访外国人了。”“是么?那你就要努力,不能偷懒哟。”“肯定啦!”于是,我的人生第一个目标就有了。

现在,我只要一有零花钱,就去买些英语书籍。有时钱不够用了,我就动用压岁钱来买书,就这事,妈妈不止一次说过我,可我就是不听。学校一有活动,我是第一个报名的,我还参加了上海昂立英语兴趣培训班学习。不仅如此,我还订了一个学习英语的加强计划表:一是视觉学习,把学过的英语单词都抄到一张大白纸上,贴在我的书桌前;二是语音练习,每天早晚都要听英语磁带十五分钟;三是口语练习,每天要找爸爸用英语交流。四是每天要背诵课文和听写单词。

功夫不负有心人,我的英语立马突飞猛进,不仅当了英语正班长,还在期末期中考试得了100分。在学校举办的“快乐学英语”英语比赛中,得了第一名。

为了实现我的理想,我制定了阶段性目标:小学英语词汇量达到初中水平,初中词汇量达到高中水平,而高中词汇量至少要达到四级以上。

我相信,只要我坚持,我的理想一定可以美梦成真。

指导老师:吴江琴

江西南昌南昌县莲塘镇第二小学五年级:刘紫怡

第二篇:《放飞我们的梦想(北京翻译学院)》

选择一所好的大学,放飞我们的梦想。

现在又到了每年一季的填志愿、选大学的关键时刻,对于社会历年如此,但对于身在其中的个人,却是前途攸关。因此,选择大学一定要理性,不能盲目,更不能盲从,关键是要根据自身条件,做出适合自己的选择,这才是最重要的。

对于分数在大专线及以上的考生:

1、如果你是高分的考生,这样的实力,可以在学校和专业上都选,选好学校的同时,再选该校中相对较好的专业;

2、如果你成绩中等的考生,建议还是以选院校为主,尽量进入一个实力教强的院校,学院的学风、底蕴和品牌,对于自己未来的发展还是有一定帮助的;

3、对于分数稍微低一些的考生,则建议以选择易于就业的专业为主,尤其是一些专科层面的,尽量优先考虑专业,学一个自己擅长的,或者适合自己的专业,将来的就业的压力就会小一些。

对于分数在大专线以下的考生:

1、要选择贴近市场、社会需求旺盛的专业学习。而一些公立统招大学设置的专业与市场需求严重的脱节,甚至很多专业本身就没有开设,比如民航服务管理、高级护理等专业,而民办大学出于生存压力所开设的课程则紧跟就业风向,更利于就业。与其为了一个文凭,在末流的公立统招大学选择一个末流的专业,倒不如在一流的民办大学选择一个一流的专业,来的更为实在一些。

2、要选择自己喜欢的、感兴趣甚至是“特长的”专业,“兴趣是最好的

老师”,家长尽量不要逼着学生学习自己毫无兴趣的专业。与其为了文凭选择一个自己毫无兴趣、且毫无前途的专业,倒不如选择一个自己感兴趣、且前景广阔的专业。毕竟,现在大学文凭的含金量大幅缩水,用人单位对文凭的要求也不像早先那么苛求了。

{我的理想(当翻译师)}.

家庭条件宽裕,尽量还是选择一线城市,比如北、上、广等等,原因如下:

1、经济发达、文化底蕴深厚、专家学者众多,长期学习生活于此,可让人心胸、眼界和格局极大开拓,这对于学生未来的成长大有好处。趁着年轻,多出去闯闯,毕竟接触的事物、接触的环境、接触的人群不同,心胸、眼界和格局也大不相同。

2、在大城市学习优势不仅可以开拓思维,增长见识,而且也意味着更多更好的就业和选择机会。在一城市里,无论是招聘单位的数量和质量都也优于二线城市,世界五百强的企业,以及世界上众多顶级公司也大多在一线城市落户,在这种环境下,更有利于年轻人的成长和历练。 相对而言,北京、上海、广州这三个一线大城市,北京更具有深厚的文化底蕴.

对于目前大学生就业难的问题:

首先,不可忽视扩招给大学生就业带来的影响,目前每年毕业的大学毕业生可达800万人,加上研究生、中专生、技校生、职高生、初中生等层次的毕业生,再加上中途辍学生,每年社会新增劳动力约1500万人,而新增的岗位远远消化不了这么多的剩余劳动力。刚性失业不可避免。

其次,统招院校由于体制上的原因,其专业设置具有相当程度的滞后性与盲目性,很多专业已经不适应市场需求。一方面大学学科建立需要漫长的审批,一方面现行大学的教师制度限制了应用型教学人才的进入,一方面大学

体制问题,所培养的相关人才,也与社会需求有较大的差别。因此很多大学的就业情况不容乐观。

而民办大学较少受到国家支持,为了生存,多数开设了符合市场就业导向的专业。而且由于专业针对性强,在就业时往往更具竞争优势,甚至能直接上岗。

北京翻译研修学院实施“订单培养”,造就高素质技能人才

学院多数专业同企业开展“订单式”培养,学生在取得国家承认的专、本科学历同时,可获得多个职业资格证书。目前我院已与联想集团、苏宁电器、餐饮协会、EMS邮政、全国信息技术应用培训教育工程、北京星干线影视人才培训基地、嘉年华邮轮、中国东方航空、中国国际航空公司、中国建行、LG电子(中国)有限公司、福田汽车、中关村软件园和翔联国际教育等众多企业签订了人才培养协议,为学生就业与职业人生规划创造了有利条件。

突出教学质量,狠抓规范管理

以质量求生存是我院办学理念之一,必须做到“两个确保”、“三种特色”、“四层管理”:即确保优异的教学质量、确保学生的高就业率;实施特色教育、特色课程和特色活动;抓好专业教师、专职辅导员、宿管老师和学生自我管理。

丰富多彩的校园文化,提高大学生素质教育水平

学院党团组织健全,学生会设有多个社团组织,积极开展文艺、体育、集体舞、辩论赛、传媒制作等满足学生个性需求的文体活动,让学生在活动中得到锻炼,在锻炼中得到提高。学院发展党员工作是党的工作的重要组成部分。壮大入党积极分子队伍,提高入党积极分子培养质量。每年都有许多优

秀学子加入党的组织。

首都求学,世界就业。

第三篇:《2014江西教师资格普通话说话范文:我的理想》

2014江西教师资格普通话说话范文:我的理想

我很小时候就有一个愿望,就是长大后当一名优秀的教师。我喜欢当教师有几个原因,外在原因是觉得教师这个职业很神圣,我觉得做教师的最大价值在于把自己的知识传授给学生,用自己的人格魅力影响学生,实现自己的社会价值.其次当教师有许多业余时间,可以做自己想做的事情,比如,每年有两个假期,寒假与暑假,每周有两天休息日,我可以利用这些时间来学习,回顾或总结。并且父母都希望我将来能有一份稳定的工作,那样就不必再为生活奔波。

其实,我喜欢当教师的最大的原因是受我的一位初中老师的影响。他不仅仅在学习上帮助我们,而且在其他方面也是处处为学生考虑,处处维护自己的学生。从那时起我就暗暗地对自己说,我长大后也要当一名这样的教师,当一个全心全意为了学生的教师。

为了实现我当教师的心愿,我在学习上更加努力,并且报名参加了普通话考试,进一步,我将报考教师资格考试。我想,这是我一生中做出的最明智的选择。

我希望以后能够从事教师这个职业,达成我从小以来的理想,作一名人类灵魂的工程师!我一定要实现自己的愿望。

来源:九江中公教育

第四篇:《普通话考试说话范文——我的理想》{我的理想(当翻译师)}.

山西教师资格:普通话考试说话范文——我的理想

山西教师考试网,为考生整理的普通话考试说话范文——我的理想,希望考生能够顺利通关。

我很小时候就有一个愿望,就是长大后当一名优秀的教师。

我喜欢当教师有几个原因,外在原因是觉得教师这个职业很神圣,我觉得做教师的最大价值在于把自己的知识传授给学生,用自己的人格魅力影响学生,实现自己的社会价值.其次当教师有许多业余时间,可以做自己想做的事情,比如,每年有两个假期,寒假与暑假,每周有两天休息日,我可以利用这些时间来学习,回顾或总结。并且父母都希望我将来能有一份稳定的工作,那样就不必再为生活奔波。

其实,我喜欢当教师的最大的原因是受我的一位初中老师的影响。他不仅仅在学习上帮助我们,而且在其他方面也是处处为学生考虑,处处维护自己的学生。从那时起我就暗暗地对自己说,我长大后也要当一名这样的教师,当一个全心全意为了学生的教师。

为了实现我当教师的心愿,我在学习上更加努力,并且报名参加了普通话考试,进一步,我将报考教师资格考试。我想,这是我一生中做出的最明智的选择。

我希望以后能够从事教师这个职业,达成我从小以来的理想,作一名人类灵魂的工程师!我一定要实现自己的愿望。

第五篇:《马丁·路德·金《我有一个梦想》英文版和翻译》

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.{我的理想(当翻译师)}.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

{我的理想(当翻译师)}.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a{我的理想(当翻译师)}.

distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "for whites only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest — quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" — one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day — this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.{我的理想(当翻译师)}.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! free at last!

100年前,一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言,今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒,给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明,结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而100年后的今天,我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天,在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下,黑人的生活备受奴役。100年后的今天,黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。100年后的今天,黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里,并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会,就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于世。

就某种意义而言,今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时,曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言,他们承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利。

就有色公民而论,美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务,只是给黑人开了一张空头支票,支票上盖着;资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产,我们不相

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